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February 2023 Newsletter

Here are the latest February updates for you:

  1. Call for Papers
  2. #PSA24: Early Bird Registration Deadline Extended
  3. Spotlight on Our Members
  4. Invitation to an Exhibition on Parliaments
  5. Entries for the APSA-PSA International Partnerships Award
  6. Editorial Announcements from Parliamentary Affairs
  7. Recent Publications
  8. Recently on the Blog
  9. Overview of Parliaments Map

If you have any notices/messages you would like us to circulate to our group, please let us know.

Best wishes,

Seán, Caroline, Diana, Ruxandra, and Jack.

1. Call for Papers

Sixteenth Workshop of Parliamentary Scholars and Parliamentarians, Wroxton College, 27-28 July 2024

Today is the last day to send a paper/panel proposal for the Sixteenth Workshop of Parliamentary Scholars and Parliamentarians, which will be held on Saturday 27 July and Sunday 28 July 2024 at Wroxton College, Oxfordshire, UK. The Workshop serves to bring together scholars and parliamentarians – from legislatures around the globe – to discuss research findings likely to be of practical interest to members of parliaments.

Paper proposals (no more than 300 words), should be sent to Professor The Lord Norton of Louth, via e-mail and should arrive no later than Monday 5 February 2024. Decisions will normally be made within a month of receipt.

2. #PSA24: Early Bird Registration Deadline Extended

The early bird registration for the PSA Annual Conference (25–27 March 2024), taking place in Glasgow, has now been extended until 9 February. This is your chance to take advantage of discounted rates. If your paper has been accepted on one of our panels, please take this opportunity to secure your spot.

3. Spotlight on Our Members

4. Invitation to Exhibition on Parliaments

The Global Research Network on Parliaments and People would like to invite members of the SPG, PSA and IPEN to an exhibition on Parliaments on 15th February 6-8pm, hosted by Emma Crewe (SOAS) with Professor Cristina Leston-Bandeira (Leeds) reflecting on a joint research programme Ethnographies of Parliaments and People – in Brazil, Ethiopia, Fiji, India, the UK and the US).

On the evening between 6-8pm guests will be offered a tour of the exhibition of photography, film, timelines and installations, with refreshments and networking in the Brunei lower gallery, SOAS University of London. Please sign up on Eventbrite.

For those able to come a little earlier, there is also the option of a film screening 5:30-6:50pm: “Elections in Paradise”. Directed by Tumeli Tuqota and Laisiasa Dave, this film is one of four in the exhibition, showing on 15th February in the central room of the exhibition.  

5. Entries for the APSA-PSA International Partnerships Award

The APSA-PSA International Partnerships Award honours those Political Studies academics engaged in collaborative and productive cross-national partnerships that make a significant contribution to the discipline in the areas of teaching, research, or civic engagement. The deadline for applications is 14 February 2024.

The award will be judged by a joint APSA and PSA panel and the winning entry will this year be announced at the APSA’s annual meeting in Philadelphia in September 2024 and will be awarded a cash prize worth £2,000. For entry requirements and submission process, please click here.

6. Editorial Announcements from Parliamentary Affairs

The editors of Parliamentary Affairs have issues a couple of announcements regarding a) aims and scope, hopefully clarifying the type of papers the journal is looking looking for, and b) authors’ guidelines have now been updated and submissions are now accepted in any format! 

7. Recent Publications

If you would like your published research to be featured in this section, please email Caroline with details.

8. Recently on the Blog

If you have an idea for a blog on some aspect of parliamentary study, please get in touch with our new communications officer, Jack. We will be posting more blogs from those who presented at our Annual Conference last November, so watch this space!

9. Overview of Parliaments Map

We have two new contributions to our Overview of Parliaments Map.

  • Lebanon by Meray Maddah – PhD candidate at University of Konstanz
  • Peru by Milagros Campos and Ana Neyra  – Professors at Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú and former head of parliamentary research at Peruvian Congress (Campos) and former Peruvian Minister of Justice (Neyra)

For anybody who wishes to cover any of the countries not yet covered in our map, contact our communications officer Jack.

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News

January 2023 Newsletter

Happy New Year to you all! We hope you’re well. Here are the latest updates for you:

  1. Call for Papers
  2. #PSA24: Early Bird Registration
  3. PSA: Nominations for Academic Prizes
  4. University of London Exhibition on Parliaments
  5. Call for Applications: ECPR Summer School of the Standing Group on Parliaments
  6. RKE Opportunities and Academic Fellowships
  7. Recent Publications
  8. Recently on the Blog
  9. Overview of Parliaments Map

If you have any notices/messages you would like us to circulate to our group, please let us know. The next newsletter will be sent on 5th of February.

Best wishes,

Seán, Caroline, Diana, Ruxandra, and Jack.

1. Call for Papers

Workshop: Legal aspects of reform to the devolved institutions in Northern Ireland

Please consider the call for papers for this joint workshop on legal aspects of reform to the devolved institutions in NI from the Liverpool Public Law Unit and the International Law and Human Rights Unit at the University of Liverpool. The workshop will take place on 10 April 2024. The deadline for submission of abstracts is 28 January. Any queries should be directed to Dr Katie Johnston (katie.johnston@liverpool.ac.uk).

The Central European University 19th Annual Doctoral Conference

The CEU Annual Doctoral Conference (Re)Searching Power: Emerging Approaches across Disciplines is taking place between 17 and 19 April, 2024. The conference provides a professional, supportive, and international environment for PhD students and early career researchers in various fields of the humanities and social sciences to discuss their works in progress, establish formal or informal networks, and initiate future collaborative research. The submission deadline is 14 January 2024. For more details, click here or email adc2024@ceu.edu

2. #PSA24: Early bird registration still open

The early bird registration for the PSA Annual Conference (25–27 March 2024 in Glasgow) is still open until 2 February. This is your chance to take advantage of discounted rates. If your paper has been accepted on one of our panels, please take this opportunity to secure your spot.

Please note that there is a further discount for scholars from the Global South and Low-income Countries. The application deadline for the PSA Support Fund to assist with conference expenses is also 2 February. 

3. PSA: Nominations for academic prizes

17 January (5pm GMT) is the last day to submit a (self-)nomination for the PSA academic prizes, which will be presented during the PSA’s Annual Conference. The PSA particularly encourages you to make a nomination for the prestigious teaching prizes. More information is available here.

4. University of London Exhibition on Parliaments, 12 January – 16 March

The Global Research Network on Parliaments and People is holding an exhibition Living Democracy: Frayed Entanglements on the relationship between politicians and people in the Brunei Gallery, SOAS. The exhibition is open Tuesday to Saturday 10:30am-5pm, from the 12th January to 16th March 2024, featuring research findings from Brazil, Ethiopia, Fiji, India, the UK and the US.

Living Democracy – Frayed Entanglements offers films, photography, installations, podcasts and timelines about riffs, rhythms and rituals in parliaments. 

5. ECPR Summer School of the Standing Group on Parliaments: Call for applications

The ECPR Standing Group on Parliaments has just opened the call for applications for their summer school. The school is for PhD students and early career scholars. It takes place 18-29 August 2024 in Frankfurt, Germany. More information on what to expect and how to apply can be found here.

6. RKE opportunities and fellowships

The UK Parliament Knowledge Exchange Unit Call for Thematic Research Leads 2024 – 2026

The KE Unit is recruiting to eight positions  for thematic research leads from a broad range of scientific and research disciplines. These part-time roles, funded by UKRI and supported by all of UKRI’s research councils, will be appointed to work with UK Parliament from September 2024 to summer 2026.

More details can be found here. The deadline to apply is 23:55, Sunday 3 March 2024.

Parliamentary Academic Fellowship Scheme (UK Parliament)

The Parliamentary Academic Fellowship Scheme (UK Parliament) runs on a rolling basis, as Parliament identifies a need for academic expertise. Open for applications are the following:

The closing date for applications is 25th February 2024 at 23:55. More details and guidance can be found here

7. Recent publications

If you would like your published research to be featured in this section, please email Caroline with details.

8. Recently on the blog

If you have an idea for a blog on some aspect of parliamentary study, please get in touch with our new communications officer, Jack. We will be posting more blogs from those who presented at our Annual Conference last November, so watch this space!

9. Overview of parliaments map

We have two new contributions to our Overview of Parliaments Map.

  • Muhammad Asad Ayaz, a parliamentary researcher, has written a piece on the National Assembly of Pakistan.
  • Robert Hirst, a recent MA graduate from the University of Sheffield, has looked at the UK Parliament.

For anybody who wishes to cover any of the countries not yet covered in our map, contact our communications officer Jack.

Categories
Blog

Obstruction, Alternation, and Amendments: Evidence from Israel

By Tal Elovits.

Obstruction in parliament dates back to the eighteenth century when legislatures became more diverse and democratic. Parliamentary obstruction is a deliberate strategy used within legislative bodies to delay or prevent legislation from being passed. A minority or individual legislators commonly use it to oppose the majority will. While conscious obstruction can be a strategic tool within a democratic system, its misuse can jeopardize the democratic principles that it means to protect. It can potentially reduce legislative power while increasing executive power, putting the democratic principle of broad representation at risk. If an obstruction is used excessively, it can endanger the proper functioning of legislative bodies, possibly threatening the future of parliamentary government. As a result, extreme caution is essential while employing obstruction techniques (Bell, 2018; Rutherford, 1914).

Previous study points out that obstruction using legislative instruments may be connected to government alternation. According to Zucchini (2011), who used the Italian case study to explore the relationship, the opposition is likelier to use delay tactics following an alternation government, and the more the opposition is ideologically cohesive, the greater the chance they will use obstruction tactics. In this study, I wish to explore the relationship between alternation and legislative obstruction in Israel following the alternation government of 2021 and specifically ask how the alternation affected the amendment’s introduction in the Israeli Knesset. Furthermore, when were amendments used more strategically? The use of amendments in the legislative process will measure legislative obstruction, and this study will be the first to analyze amendments in the Israeli parliament.

As a part of the legislative process, amendment is an instrument that allows parliament members to suggest changes to a bill under deliberation, usually by a committee. In the same way that private members have the right to introduce private member bills, private members may propose changes to a bill. Typically, amendments introduced by individual members of parliament (MPs) are voted on before the final vote of the plenum (Behrens et al., 2023; Mattson, 1995; Palau et al., 2023). Although a form of amendment as a parliamentary instrument can be found in many legislatures, they differ greatly in their restrictions, stage of voting, and deliberation time assigned to a bill considered in the final vote (Strøm, 1995).

The Israeli parliament posits an interesting and vibrant arena to study the possible effects of government alternation. In 2021, what is known as the “right bloc,” led by long-serving PM Benjamin Netanyahu, lost its governmental positions, and Israel had for a year an alternation government for the first time in 15 years. As illustrated in Figure 1, this special circumstance allows us to question and study the possible effects of government alternation in Israel and to provide further empirical evidence for the study of legislative behavior. We set two hypotheses for our study. H1 – Government alternation increases amendment introduction. H2 – Narrow ideological differences between opposition parties foster strategic cooperation.

Figure 1 – Israel political parties 2015-2022 with their coalition status

In Israel, amendments are the only tool allowing parliament members to gain debate time at the committee and the plenary. Each amendment allows a 5-minute speech for each sponsor, which can be multiplied, sometimes reaching hundreds of debate hours on a single bill (Akirav et al., 2010). Therefore, when studying legislative obstruction in Israel, using parliament members in amendments becomes a vital measurement.

Although amendments have been in use in the Israeli parliament since its first day, no data is available for analysis, and retrieving this requires manual analysis of bills in their final wording. This study covers 2015-2022, 3 legislative terms – the 20th, 23rd, and 24th and three different governments, as seen in Figure 1. In the study period, 791 non-budgetary bills have reached the final wording stage. Amendments data was collected manually regarding each bill. Further data, such as the legislative committee, bill category, type of legislation, and when the bill was introduced, were mined from the Knesset Odata API service. In total, 24,001 amendments were gathered. Figure 2 shows the share of bills with amendments by legislative term and yearly quarter. Even without any further statistical analysis, one can notice the different pattern that the 24th term presents.

Figure 2 – Share of bills with amendments 2015–2022

The data gathered was also statistically manipulated to uncover possible mechanisms explaining this change in using amendments. I have constructed two dependent variables: Amendments – dummy, where one is when a bill is introduced with amendment(s), and Strategic – dummy, where one is when amendments are introduced by half or more of the effective number of opposition members. The study hypothesis was tested using statistical Probit regression in Stata in two models —the first tested alternation as an independent variable, and the second focused on the Knesset term as an independent variable. Table 1 presents the results of the two models. Further marginal analysis was done following the first model to uncover the probability of a bill being introduced with amendments under an alternate government. The results, illustrated in Figure 3, show that while under continuous government, the probability for a bill to be introduced with the amendment is 26.4%, under alternation government, the probability rises to 70.8%, supporting the first hypothesis.

Table 1 – Probit model results for amendments and strategic (1)

Figure 3 – Margin analysis following first model probit regression

The result of the second model supports this study’s second hypothesis. As the opposition becomes cohesive, they will increase their cooperation, acting more strategically, providing additional evidence for earlier theoretical and empirical studies suggesting that when ideological distance is small, they are more likely to coordinate in the parliamentary arena (Dewan & Spirling, 2011; Kaiser, 2008; Whitaker & Martin, 2022).

Our analysis also suggests that the use of amendment is related to the legislative term cycle, where both the first month of the new government and the period following parliament dissolution appear to have an effect with a slightly significant positive coefficient and a highly significant negative coefficient, in accordance. At the beginning of a new government, regardless of the alternation status, the probability that a bill will introduced with amendment increases, and this probability drops significantly following parliament dissolution. We found no significant effect on the bill’s content or the committee it deliberated in.

This study’s findings open a wide window into how parliamentarian obstruction may look in Israel and shed light on the use of amendments in the Knesset. Alternation fuels opposition resistance. In Israel, this resistance manifested through the use of amendments. However, one must be aware that with obstructing comes anti-obstruction measures by the majority of parliament. This tit-for-tat escalation into a pattern of obstruction and retaliation can poison the spirit of mutual respect between parties. Partisan mistrust and even demonization replace good faith assumptions of sincerity and reasonableness. Thus, while limited obstruction may sometimes be justified, oppositions must also weigh the risks of it becoming entrenched in political culture. When this balance is disrupted, and the opposition resorts to obstructionist tactics without a clear strategy or purpose, it can weaken the legislature and, by extension, lead to democratic backsliding.

This study sheds light on the important role that amendments play in the hands of Knesset opposition members as a significant instrument in filling the gap in the existing scholarship. Furthermore, this study provides important empirical evidence for the use of legislative instruments by opposition parties, especially in the light of government alternation. Future studies, expanding this study period, might allow us to uncover additional patterns of the use of amendments in Israel’s busy parliament.

This short blog post is part of the author’s PhD project, “The Knesset: A Busy Parliaments in the 2020s”.

About the author

Tal Elovits is a PhD fellow at the Department of Social and Political Sciences, University of Milan, Milan, Italy. Former faction director in the Israeli parliament. tal.elovits@unimi.it ORCID: 0000- 0003-2681-1445


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Necessary Women: pioneering women working in Parliament

By Mari Takayanagi.

Throughout the 19th and early 20th centuries, many people lived and worked in the Palace of Westminster. Some worked for the House of Commons or House of Lords, some were family members of office holders, and others were servants in households. This included many women. Indeed, at times female residents outnumbered male residents by nearly two to one: the 1911 census, for example, lists 67 women and 36 men living in the Palace of Westminster in addition to the suffragette Emily Wilding Davison who hid there in a cupboard overnight. There were also of course many staff who did not live in, an enormous variety of roles from Clerks to cleaners.

The presence of so many staff may be surprising, as Parliament is always equated in the general public mind with MPs and Members of the House of Lords debating in their chambers. Although some staff might play visible roles, such as the Doorkeepers in their uniforms and the Clerks sitting at the table, they appear almost as part of the furniture – blending in with the Gothic architecture, ritual and ceremony, rather than as individuals. Even more overlooked are the staff in less visible roles, including many women. 

But staff not only work in Parliament, they are also subject to the same kinds of employment and social issues as workers outside Parliament. Recent research by Rebecca McKee has examined ‘unsung heroes’, staff who work for MPs. The staff who work for the House of Lords and House of Commons are similarly unsung. My new book Necessary Women, co-authored with Elizabeth Hallam Smith, uses new archival research to provide the first ever history of women working in the Palace of Westminster. This approach helps reframe Parliament from a solely political workspace to a place of work more generally, highlighting women from all classes working in jobs reflecting gender roles in wider society.

I was delighted to share some of this research at the PSA Parliaments Annual Conference 2023. In this blogpost I’m going to focus on three pioneering women for whom the Second World War brought new opportunities in Parliament: Kay Midwinter, Monica Felton, and Jean Winder.

Kay Midwinter

In May 1940, shock rang around the House of Commons as a woman walked in and stood calmly on the floor of the House, looking around at her new workplace. This was Kay Midwinter, the first female Clerk in the House of Commons. Appointed to free up a man for war service, the ‘Girl Clerk’ as she was termed in the press –she was aged 32 – worked for the House of Commons National Expenditure Committee during the Second World War.  Previous experience of working with committees in the League of Nations in Geneva helped her to get the job. Highly praised by her managers and by Irene Ward and Joan Davidson, the female MPs on the committee, Midwinter worked particularly closely with Ward and Davidson on two reports, on the women’s armed services and women factory workers.

Midwinter later reflected on her time in the Commons as follows:

During the war I was standing behind the Speaker’s Chair about 5 or 6 yards from Churchill while he made all his famous war speeches. He used to glare at me as much as to say “What’s this woman doing?” but he never challenged me…. when it came to laying the Report on the table of the House – you know, my male colleagues said “Oh you’d better not do that, you know, it has never been done by a woman before!” So I said “Well, for that reason I’m going to do it!” So there we are. But really one was up against male prejudice throughout. Absolutely. There was never any question of promotion.

[Oral history recording, United Nations Career Records Project, Bodleian Library]

Not only promotion but pay, for Midwinter was paid less than half the rate of her fellow male Clerks doing the same job as her. Ward and Davidson expressed their opinion that she was ‘inadequately paid’ and she did receive a pay rise, although only to the ‘women’s equivalent’ of the male grade. She moved to the Foreign Office in 1943. After the war she went to work for the United Nations, first in New York and then back in Geneva, where she died in 1996.

Monica Felton

Like Kay Midwinter, Dr Monica Felton worked for the National Expenditure Committee in the House of Commons during the war as a fairly small part of a wider public career – but there the similarities end. Felton was as an elected Labour member of the London County Council, most unusual; Parliamentary staff would not usually have such a public party-political affiliation. She was appointed to the Commons as an economic advisor on the recommendation of Lewis Silkin, a Labour MP on the committee who had also previously been an LCC member.  He and Felton had a strong shared interest in town planning; her significance as a woman town planner has been studied by Mark Clapson.  Felton had a doctorate from the LSE and was previously a lecturer for the Worker’s Educational Association, where she was remembered by students as a Marxist. She worked in the Commons for 18 months before resigning with permission.

After the war, Silkin appointed Felton to be chairman of first Peterlee and then Stevenage New Town Development Corporations between 1949 and 1951. However, she was fired from Stevenage after going on an unauthorised trip to North Korea for the left-wing Women’s International Democratic Federation in 1951. It was a very controversial visit; on her return, she accused American, South Korean and even British troops of involvement in massacres of the Korean population and other atrocities, on Radio Moscow and in the Daily Worker, and was awarded the Stalin Peace Prize. The episode made her infamous and ruined her career in the UK. She made a new life for herself in India, where she died in 1970.

Jean Winder

Jean Winder was the first woman Hansard reporter. She fought a long battle for equal pay, and like Midwinter, was also assisted by Irene Ward MP. In August 1951, Ward stood up in the House of Commons chamber and said:

The House of Commons is run on the basis of equal pay… but there is one woman on the HANSARD staff in the Gallery, Mrs. Winder, who has not got equal pay… I have got Mrs. Winder’s permission to draw the attention of the House to what I consider is an intolerable constitutional position…

[House of Commons Debates, 2 August 1951, col 1710]

Jean Winder was appointed to House of Commons Official Report, known as Hansard, in January 1944 when the Editor was desperate for staff and unable to find a suitable man.  Like Midwinter, Winder was an immediate success in the Commons, highly rated, and performing exactly the same job as her male colleagues who were paid more than she was. Despite support all the way up to the Speaker, the Treasury refused equal pay. It took years of advocacy by Irene Ward before Winder finally achieved equal pay in late 1953. Ward supported Winder in private and in public over many years. This undoubtedly influenced Ward’s politics and relationships with political colleagues as she lobbied inside and outside Parliament.

In conclusion, the stories of Midwinter, Felton and Winder illustrate various themes of Necessary Women including opportunities brought by war, important relationships between staff and MPs, and struggles for equal pay. Sadly, these innovative Second World War appointments had no direct successors in the House of Commons. The next female Hansard reporter was not appointed until 1968, and further female Clerks did not follow until 1969. The indirect and direct contribution of these pioneering women to Parliamentary life and work deserves to be better known.


About the author

Dr Mari Takayanagi FRHistS is Senior Archivist at the UK Parliamentary Archives and a historian of women and Parliament. Her first book, ‘Necessary Women: the Untold Story of Parliament’s Working Women’, co-authored with Elizabeth Hallam Smith, was published in June 2023 by History Press.


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December 2023 Newsletter

We hope you’re well. We have some updates for you:

  1. Highlights: PSA Parliaments Annual Conference 2-3 November 2023
  2. #PSA24: Early bird registration
  3. PSA membership
  4. SGP Annual Weekend, 5-6 January 2024
  5. Call for papers: NoPSA 2024
  6. PhD scholarships, jobs and RKE opportunities
  7. Recent publications (and other things) that have caught our eye
  8. Recently on the blog

If you have any notices/messages you would like us to circulate to our group, please let us know.

Best wishes

Seán, Caroline, Diana, Ruxandra, and Jack.

1. Highlights: PSA Parliaments Conference, 2-3 November 2023

Seeing so many of you at our Annual Conference in November was an enormous pleasure. Despite Storm Ciarán interfering with travel plans, the early career symposium we held for the first time, the drinks reception and the conference were a great success. Read the highlights and see photo evidence here.

If you attended the conference, whether in-person or virtually, we would be grateful to hear your feedback to help us improve future conferences. The survey just has four questions and should only take a couple of minutes to complete.

2. #PSA24: Early bird registration

The PSA Annual Conference will take place from 25–27 March 2024 in Glasgow, convened by the University of Strathclyde. The early bird registration is now open until 2 February, allowing presenters and attendees to secure their spot at a discounted rate. If your paper has been accepted on one of our panels, please take this opportunity to secure your spot and take advantage of the discount.

Please note that there is a further discount for scholars from the Global South and Low-income Countries. The application deadline for the PSA Support Fund to assist with conference expenses is also 2 February 2024.

More information on pricing and registration details can be found here.

3. PSA membership

If you receive our newsletter but are not a member of the UK Political Studies Association, then now is the perfect time to consider joining. Starting from £10/year for students, PSA membership provides numerous benefits including access to various resources and journals, discounted conference registration fees and opportunities to network and even win academic prizes. The full list of benefits and more information on how to join can be found here.

If you are already a PSA member, now is still a good time to verify that your contact details are up-to-date and that you are also an official member of our specialist group (in the ‘My group membership’ section of your PSA account). We would greatly appreciate your support since the number of members directly impacts our allocated funding and hence capacity to put on events for you.

4. SGP Annual Weekend, 5-6 January 2024

The Study of Parliament Group Annual Weekend 2024 will take place over Friday 5th and Saturday 6th January. You can register here, and check the action packed programme here.

5. Call for papers: NoPSA 2024

Our colleagues from the Nordic Political Science Association have published a call for papers for the NoPSA Political Science Congress, which will be held in Bergen (Norway), 25-28 June 2024. There are a few panels that may be relevant to parliamentary scholars (i.e., Conflict in Parliamentary Parties, Generational Politics: Participation, Representation and Politics, or Gender, Politics and Democracy).

6. PhD scholarships, jobs and RKE opportunities

PhD scholarships at the University of Leeds

Do you know of excellent students who are considering doing a PhD? If so, please forward the information below about this open call for PhD Scholarship in Politics and International Studies 2024/25, at the University of Leeds. The deadline  for applications is Monday 11th March 2024 and the application to PhD needs to be accepted first to be eligible to scholarship. Further details can be obtained by emailing Prof. Cristina Leston-Bandeira at C.Leston-Bandeira@leeds.ac.uk

CPA call for consultants

The CPA Headquarters Secretariat is calling for consultants to develop an online course on the role of Parliamentarians in upholding human rights as part of the CPA Parliamentary Academy online learning platform. The consultant will work with the CPA to develop the written course content for use by Parliamentarians of Commonwealth national and subnational legislatures. Deadline for applications – 8 December 2023. Read more about this call and apply here.

Research and Knowledge Exchange with the Welsh Parliament on gender and diversity quotas

A number of committees in the Welsh Parliament /Senedd Cymru are currently looking to engage with academics to support the scrutiny of forthcoming  gender/diversity quota legislation. You can sign-up through the Area of Research Interest (ARI) form and provide details about your existing and future research on gender and diversity quotas. This might lead to an invitation to provide oral or written evidence.

7. Recent Publications (and other things) that have caught our eye

If you would like your published research to be featured in this section, please email Caroline with details.

8. Recently on the blog

If you have an idea for a blog on some aspect of parliamentary study, please get in touch with our new communications officer, Jack.

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News

Highlights from our 2023 Annual Conference

Seeing so many of you at our Annual Conference in November was an enormous pleasure. Despite Storm Ciarán interfering with travel plans, the early career symposium we held for the first time (co-organised with the PSA Early Career Network), the drinks reception and the conference were a great success. We had around 50 participants attending the conference in person and another 20 online. There was a fantastic lineup of presentations organised in five panels covering a wide range of relevant topics and parliaments in the UK and across the globe.

Thanks to Cheryl Schonhardt-Bailey for hosting us at the LSE Department of Government, and to the Department and the journals of Parliamentary Affairs and British Politics for their sponsorships to help us make the conference a success and everyone well catered for.

The day kicked off with a few welcoming words from our Co-convenor Sean Haughey, the formal welcoming of our new Co-convenor Diana Stirbu and Communications Officer Jack Liddall, and a warm farewell to our outgoing Co-convenor Stephen Holden Bates. Thank you, Stephen, for all the time, ideas and positive energy you have dedicated to the group for over three years!

We then handed out awards to the winners of our annual undergraduate essay competition. You can read Phoebe Legard’s (University of Edinburgh) and Cameron Dasgupta’s (QMUL) winning essays here. Thank you, Alexandra Meakin, for judging!

The academic programme started with an insightful panel on the challenges and experiences of inclusion and (mental) well-being in the parliamentary workplace. The second panel featured the latest research on executive-legislative relations in the UK House of Commons, Scottish Parliament, Welsh Parliament and Israeli Knesset. The third panel focused on comparative perspectives on parliaments, with presentations on the UK, Germany, Central-Eastern Europe and Afghanistan. In the fourth panel, we explored the method of go-along interviews, seldom-heard groups’ perceptions of petitioning parliaments and the role of parliamentary turnover in authoritarian regimes. The programme was rounded off with a panel discussing legislative behaviour, procedures and select committees.

Thank you everyone for presenting, discussing and attending! If you have any feedback or suggestions for next year, please take a couple of minutes to fill in our post-conference survey or feel free to contact any of us.

Categories
Blog

Making the Law Count: The UK Post-Legislative Gap

By Tom Caygill.

Over recent years, engagement in post-legislative scrutiny in Westminster has declined. A mixture of events (e.g. Brexit) and crises (e.g. Coronavirus) has pushed post-legislative review (by government departments) and, as a result wider, post-legislative scrutiny (undertaken by parliamentary committees) down the government and parliamentary agenda. In this blog post, I examine the nature of this decline, the wider reasons for it and suggest how we can move forward from here. As the UK Parliament is often placed on a pedestal as an example of how to approach post-legislative scrutiny, it is vital that it continues to lead by example.

In 2008, the UK Government agreed to introduce a systematic process of post-legislative review by government departments. Legislation would receive a departmental review within three to five years of that Act entering the statute books. Once such a review was completed, a memorandum containing its findings would be sent to the relevant departmental select committee in the House of Commons, for additional scrutiny. 

My 2021 report for the Westminster foundation for Democracy examined the extent and effect of post-legislative review and scrutiny between 2008-2019. Although it was rarely used to begin with, there was an increase in the number of published memoranda by government departments particularly between 2010 and 2015. This also coincided with an activist House of Commons Liaison Committee which was keen to ensure that select committee were undertaking a breadth of different forms of scrutiny (including post-legislative scrutiny).

The story since 2015 however has been a continued decline in the number of post-legislative reviews being undertaken by government departments which means fewer are being sent to House of Commons Select Committees. Although select committees do not need a government post-legislative review in order to initiate post-legislative scrutiny they are considered to be useful triggers to get select committees to consider undertaking post-legislative scrutiny.

Figure 1: Post-Legislative Reviews 2008-2023


Figure 1 shows the extent of the decline which has taken place since a peak in 2012. There are a number of factors which could be at play here. Two big factors slowing the pace of post-legislative review are Brexit and the Coronavirus pandemic which monopolised the intellectual capacity of government departments, for understandable reasons. This pushed post-legislative reviews off departmental agendas, but they have not returned to the agenda of government departments. Another factor potentially at play here is that between 2010 and 2015, the bulk of post-legislative reviews would fall upon the legislation of a previous government (from a different party). There is therefore likely to be a change in enthusiasm from reviewing your predecessors’ legislation rather than reviewing your own. In British politics, governments do not like to admit mistakes as they view it as a sign of weakness.

A further factor here, which coincides with the decline of post-legislative review, is that the House of Commons Liaison Committee since 2015 has taken a less proactive role in shaping the agenda of the committee system. This also means there is no one overseeing the agreement between the Cabinet Office and Committee Office made in 2008. For more information on the gap in scrutiny see my 2020 article on the UK post-legislative scrutiny gap.

There is also a lack of coordination in Whitehall. Lord Norton of Louth has submitted a number of parliamentary questions over recent months in order to identify why post-legislative review has seemingly ground to a halt (no post-legislative reviews have been published on www.gov.uk in 2023). From her answer on the 7th August (figure 2), the Minister makes clear that no further post-legislative scrutiny work is expected within government before the end of 2023.


Figure 2: Parliamentary Question from Lord Norton on post-legislative review currently taking place.


It does look like we will end 2023 without any post-legislative reviews having taken place. As noted above there is no oversight of this agreement which will only contribute to the lack of urgency from government to undertake these reviews.

The lack of co-ordination in Whitehall is also visible in her response (figure 3) to a follow up question from Lord Norton on the 27th September 2023.

Figure 3: Parliamentary Question from Lord Norton on which Acts the government considers eligible for post-legislative review.

The fact that the Cabinet Office does not hold information centrally does give away that there is at best limited coordination and oversight of what is happening in government departments in relation to post-legislative review. At the moment the future of post-legislative reviews does not look promising. Although I will note again that this does not prevent post-legislative scrutiny being undertaken. Indeed, special inquiry committees in the House of Lords will initiate an inquiry without a post-legislative review and then ask for one. Further to this, over the course of the last couple of sessions, there have been between 3-4 inquiries across both Houses. So while post-legislative scrutiny has not stopped, the number of inquiries has reduced.

So what might happen next? This of course could be corrected if there were to be a change in government following the 2024 General Election with a future Labour Government being more than happy to review Conservative legislation. However, we would face the same issue of enthusiasm draining as the term of office goes on. So doing nothing is likely to lead to a repeat of the past 15 years with a peak shortly after an election and then a steady decline.

A more proactive response is needed. There is a need for someone to start overseeing the process of post-legislative review and that should be from the parliamentary perspective as government departments will find reasons not to do them without parliamentary pressure. The Scottish Parliament’s Convenors Group (made up of committee convenors) has made post-legislative scrutiny a strategic priority for the sixth session of the Parliament, and this is having results with eight inquiries having been undertaken since the start of 2022 (and more in the pipeline), with two and a half years to go of this session. It looks set to break records in the parliament. A strategic focus can clearly make a difference and this could be something which returns to the House of Commons Liaison Committee or the House of Lords Liaison Committee (which decides which Acts will receive post-legislative scrutiny via special inquiry committees in the Lords). There have also been arguments for a dedicated joint post-legislative scrutiny committee to over see the process across both Houses but to also monitor the agreement between the Cabinet Office and the Committee Office. A simpler approach would be to create a dedicated space for post-legislative scrutiny on the UK Parliament website, in a similar way to which draft bills (for pre-legislative scrutiny) are featured on the ‘Bills & Legislation’ section of the website. This is also an approach undertaken by the Scottish Parliament. There is also an argument that after 15 years, this agreement is in need of review (indeed many in Westminster argue that these reviews should take place 10 years after passage rather than 3-5 years). This is something that either a dedicated committee or one of the Liaison Committees could do. It is clear from the perspective of the House of Commons (in particular) that there is more work to do to institutionalise post-legislative scrutiny in Westminster. As we approach the end of the 2019 Parliament, this is an important time to reflect on the progress made since 2008 while recognising the need to enhance post-legislative scrutiny further.  


About the author

Tom Caygill is a Senior Lecturer in Politics at Nottingham Trent University


Categories
Blog

What are the implications of having the Foreign Secretary sitting in the House of Lords?

By Andrew Defty

The most surprising aspect of Rishi Sunak’s Cabinet reshuffle has been the appointment of the former Prime Minister, David Cameron, as Foreign Secretary. Cameron is no longer an MP and as it is a convention that government ministers sit in Parliament, he has accepted a seat in the House of Lords in order to enable him to take on the role.

Cameron’s appointment raises a number of interesting questions: about the ministerial career of former Prime Ministers; the appointment of Cabinet ministers from the House of Lords; and the implications of this for parliamentary scrutiny.

The political career of former Prime Ministers

David Cameron’s return to front line politics with a seat in the Cabinet is by no means unique but is relatively unusual. As has been widely reported, the last former Prime Minister to take a Cabinet post after leaving office was Alec Douglas-Hume, Conservative Prime Minister from 1963 to 1964, who served as Foreign Secretary under Edward Heath, from 1970 to 1974. Interestingly, Douglas-Hume had previously served as Foreign Secretary while sitting in the House of Lords before becoming Prime Minister. He gave up his seat in the Lords in 1963 in order to become Prime Minister, and for his second term as Foreign Secretary he sat in the House of Commons as the MP for Perth and Kinross.

Other former Prime Ministers who have taken on Cabinet roles after leaving office include Arthur Balfour, Prime Minister from 1902 to 1905, who went on to serve as Foreign Secretary, from 1916 to 1919 in the wartime administration of Lloyd George. Ramsay MacDonald and Neville Chamberlain were both given the opportunity to remain in the Cabinet after stepping down as Prime Minister, with the largely honorary role of Lord President of the Council. Although in Chamberlain’s case this was for only a short period until his death in October 1940.

In recent years, however, there has been a tendency for Prime Ministers to leave parliament completely shortly after leaving office. John Major, Tony Blair, Gordon Brown and most recently Boris Johnson all announced they were leaving the House of Commons shortly after the end of their premiership. Cameron’s appointment to the House of Lords is also relatively unusual. Although it had until recently been customary for former Prime Ministers to accept a seat in the House of Lords, Margaret Thatcher was the last former Prime Minister to do so. Of the seven former Prime Ministers currently alive, Cameron will be the only one sitting in the House of Lords, although two, Theresa May and Liz Truss, continue to sit in the House of Commons.

Why has David Cameron been given a seat in the House of Lords?

In order to enable David Cameron to be appointed to the Cabinet, Rishi Sunak has given him a seat in the House of Lords. Although there is no legal requirement for government ministers to sit in Parliament, it is a very strongly held convention. This is based on the principle that ministers must be directly accountable to Parliament and only members may answer questions on the floor of the House of Commons or the House of Lords.

It has been argued that the convention that ministers must be sitting members of Parliament limits the pool of individuals the Prime Minister can draw upon when making ministerial appointments. In a number of other states, ministers can be appointed from outside the legislature which arguably allows for a wider range of talented individuals to be drawn into the government. In the UK, a Prime Minister who wishes to make a ministerial appointment from outside Parliament does have the option of making someone a member of the House of Lords in order to make them available for ministerial office.

This practice is not particularly unusual. Gordon Brown made a number of direct ministerial appointments to the House of Lords including the former MP, Peter Mandelson, who left the Commons in 2004 but was elevated to the Lords in 2008 in order to become Secretary of State for Business, and Andrew Adonis who was appointed to the Lords in order to become a minister in the Department for Education and Skills. David Cameron himself appointed several business leaders to the House of Lords in order to give them ministerial roles, including Stephen Green, the former group chairman of HSBC and Ian Livingston, the former chief executive of BT. More recently, in 2021 the UK’s former chief negotiator for exiting the European Union, David Frost, was made a peer by Boris Johnson, and appointed as Minister of State in the Cabinet Office with responsibility for Brexit.

An alternative approach could have been to find a safe seat for David Cameron which would have allowed him to return to Parliament as a member of the House of Commons.  This would, however, be dependent on a safe seat being made available, possibly by an MP who was already planning to stand down at the next election. This may also have been a decidedly risky strategy given that the government has recently lost several by-elections in supposedly safe seats. In 1964, Patrick Gordon Walker was appointed as Foreign Secretary by Harold Wilson despite having lost his seat in the 1964 general election. He subsequently resigned after losing a by-election in a supposedly safe Labour seat. Moreover, while Cameron may be happy to take on the role of Foreign Secretary, he may not have been prepared to return to the day-to-day grind of fighting an election and being a constituency MP.

While it is not particularly unusual for governments to make appointments to the House of Lords in order to allow individuals to become ministers, it is relatively rare for members of the House of Lords to hold such senior ministerial office. There are usually somewhere between twenty and thirty ministers in the House of Lords, compared to around eighty in the House of Commons. Governments need to appoint ministers in the Lords to enable someone to speak in the upper House on behalf of each government department, but ministers in the Lords tend to hold more junior ministerial positions, as Ministers of State or Parliamentary Under-Secretaries. In recent years, the only member of the upper House who has routinely sat in the Cabinet is the Leader of the House of Lords.

This was not always the case. Up until the end of the nineteenth century it was common practice for Cabinet ministers, including the Prime Minister to sit in the Lords. The last Prime Minister to sit in the Lords was Lord Salisbury who left office in 1902, although the practice of appointing Foreign Secretaries from the upper House continued well into the twentieth century. Lord Curzon was Conservative Foreign Secretary from 1919 to 1924 and was widely expected to succeed Andrew Bonar Law as Prime Minister in 1923. He lost out to Stanley Baldwin in part because it was felt the Prime Minister should sit in the Commons. Lord Halifax was Foreign Secretary at the outbreak of the Second World War and, as noted above, the Earl of Home, was Foreign Secretary before renouncing his title, perhaps mindful of Curzon’s difficulties, to become Prime Minister in 1963. The last Foreign Secretary to be appointed from the House of Lords was Lord Carrington, who held the post from Thatcher’s election in 1979 until his resignation following the Argentine invasion of the Falkland Islands in 1982.

What are the implications of the Foreign Secretary sitting in the House of Lords?

Lord Carrington’s experience is perhaps revealing of the difficulties Lord Cameron could face. With Carrington unable to answer questions in the House of Commons, answering Foreign Office questions in the Commons was delegated to two junior ministers. In most circumstances this worked admirably well, but when the Falklands crisis erupted, MPs in the House of Commons did not conceal their anger at their inability to question the Foreign Secretary directly. In addition to being accountable to Parliament for their department, senior ministers play an important role in defending the government and the Prime Minister. Lord Carrington’s inability to provide the kind of support the PM needed in the House of Commons contributed to his decision to resign. Lord Cameron may be a useful and experienced ally to the Prime Minister in public and in the media but there is little he can do if things get sticky in the House of Commons.

Cameron’s appointment also means that there is real concern about the impact on parliamentary scrutiny of having the Foreign Secretary sitting in the Lords. The Foreign Secretary will not be available to answer departmental questions in the Commons, which come around about once a month. Nor will he be available to answer urgent questions, which are much more common now than they were when Lord Carrington was Foreign Secretary. In particular, if there is a major international incident which threatens international security or UK interests, the government’s response in the House of Commons will be provided by a more junior minister, who quite possibly does not attend Cabinet. Alternately if the situation is particularly grave, the Prime Minister may find himself delegating for the Foreign Secretary in the House of Commons. Which may appease the Commons but won’t make life easier for the Prime Minister.

The Speaker of the House of Commons was quick to make a statement about the need to ensure that parliamentary scrutiny of foreign policy is not undermined by Lord Cameron’s appointment:

[G]iven the gravity of the current international situation, it is especially important that this House is able to scrutinise the work of the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office effectively. I have therefore commissioned advice from the Clerks about possible options for enhancing scrutiny of the work of the Foreign Secretary when that post is filled by a Member of the other House. I also look forward to hearing the Government’s proposals on how the Foreign Secretary will be properly accountable to this House.

On the other hand, the Foreign Secretary will not avoid parliamentary scrutiny altogether. The House of Lords is likely to institute its own mechanism to provide regular questions to the Foreign Secretary. Moreover, there is considerable expertise in foreign affairs in the Lords, including several former permanent secretaries from the Foreign Office. As a new peer, Cameron will also be unfamiliar with the practices of the second chamber and will quickly realise that he cannot rely on the same level of support in the chamber as he once enjoyed in the more partisan House of Commons.

The Foreign Secretary will also not entirely avoid scrutiny by MPs. Although he can’t appear to answer questions in the chamber of the House of Commons, members of the House of Lords can appear before House of Commons select committees. He is likely to be much in demand from the House of Commons select committee on foreign affairs, as well as a number of joint committees which comprise members from both Houses, most notably the joint committees on human rights and national security and the Intelligence and Security Committee.

As a former Prime Minister, David Cameron is an experienced parliamentarian, but his ministerial experience is confined to that of being Prime Minister. He may find the role of Foreign Secretary and the demands of adapting to scrutiny in the House of Lords particularly demanding. It is also possible that the absence of a Foreign Secretary in the House of Commons may place increased demands on the government and even the Prime Minister himself. Both will be hoping that the benefits outweigh the undoubted challenges ahead.


About the author

Andrew Defty is Associate Professor of Politics at the University of Lincoln and member of the Lincoln Parliamentary Research Centre (ParliLinc).


This piece was first posted on Andrew Defty’s Who Runs Britain? blog.

Categories
Urgent Questions

Dr Stephen Holden Bates

STEPHEN HOLDEN BATES

Stephen Holden Bates is a Senior Lecturer in Political Science at the University of Birmingham. He has published a number of articles on parliamentary questions and parliamentary committees and was a UK Parliament Academic Fellow in 2021-22. He is the outgoing Co-Convenor of PSA Parliaments.

Please tell us a little bit about how you entered academia and your academic career

I’m completely institutionalised at Birmingham having completed my undergraduate degree and PhD in POLSIS, as well as now having worked here as a lecturer for over 15 years. I did spend a year in London after my undergraduate degree – having a proper job with a boss was enough to tell me that the ‘real world’ was rubbish and that I wanted to do a PhD and work in academia. After my PhD, I was a teaching fellow and a post-doc for one year each before gaining a permanent lectureship back at POLSIS.

Which five books/articles (written by someone else) have been most important to you in your academic career?

Barbara Adam’s Time and Social Theory (1990) – imagine being that clever!

Karl Marx’s Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts of 1844 – especially the bits on alienation and species being.

Critical Realism: Essential Readings (1998) edited by Margaret Archer et al. – bit of a cop out to have a ‘best of’ but this is my academic bible. I especially love Porpora’s chapter on social structures.

Derek Layder’s 1985 article in the Journal for the Theory of Social Behaviour “Power, structure and agency” – it’s not in the Critical Realism: Essential Readings collection so I’m including it separately.

Donald Searing’s Westminster World (1994) – he really shows you how to write an interesting academic book.

Which people have been most influential and important to you in your academic career?

Colin Hay and Dave Marsh who both taught me at undergraduate level with Dave also being one of my PhD supervisors. It was very exciting being at Birmingham in the late 1990s and I had lots of brilliant lecturers but it was these two who mainly introduced me to all the stuff I still love.

Which of your own pieces of research are you most proud of?

My 2010 “Restructuring Power” article in Polity. I found it very difficult to make the jump from PhD student to lecturer and it was this piece of work which proved to me (and, more importantly, referees) that I could do political science at least moderately well.

What has been your greatest achievement in academia?

This.

What has been your greatest disappointment in academia?

That we don’t yet work in a sector which has above inflation pay rises, which doesn’t have tuition fees, and which is run on cooperative, horizontalist democratic principles.

What is the first or most important thing you tell your students about parliaments?

Parliament is not the same as the government.

Where were you born, where did you grow up, and where do you live now?

I lived in Higham Ferrers in Northamptonshire until I was 19. I’ve now lived in south-west Birmingham for 24 of the last 26 years.

What was your first job?

Paperboy for a very exploitative £3.60 a week (or 80p an hour).

What was the toughest job you ever had?

It’s a toss up between working in a tie factory (on my first day I ironed over 1000 ties which was a record) and my post-doc.

What would your ideal job be, if not an academic?

Pop star, spin bowler for Northamptonshire and England, or Euromillions Rollover Jackpot winner – don’t mind which.

What are your hobbies?

Road cycling, birdwatching, Iyengar yoga, watching Birmingham City FC, cooking, instagramming photos of my cooking.

What are your favourite books?

Anything by Primo Levi. Anything by Sally Rooney who is hands down my favourite recent author. The Golden Notebook by Doris Lessing changed my life, I think. I like reading utopian and dystopian political fiction with News from Nowhere, Herland, and The Iron Heal being my favourites. I’m also a sucker for a good police procedural/murder mystery with the Martin Beck novels probably being my favourite, although a special mention must go to Gaudy Night by Dorothy L. Sayers. And also We’re Going on a Bear Hunt which has brought me immeasurable joy over the last 12 years or so.

What is your favourite music?

My younger self won’t believe it but my favourite piece of music is Bach’s Partita in D Minor and, specifically, this version, which I listen to about a gazillion times a year.

I also love, in no particular order, Stereolab, Pulp, PJ Harvey, David Bowie, the Beatles and the Stones, Nina Simone, Joni Mitchell, the Spencer Davis Group, Neu!, Shostakovich, Steve Reich, John Adams, Philip Glass and Sly and the Family Stone.

Who is your favourite artist?

Bridget Riley for completely obvious reasons.

What is your favourite film?

It’s a Wonderful Life – if you don’t cry at least twice during this film then there’s something wrong with you

What is your favourite building?

The Barbican, Coventry Cathedral and Birmingham’s Central Library (R.I.P.).

What is your favourite holiday destination?

The Isles of Scilly, Venice, and the Hautes-Pyrenees.

What is your favourite sport?

Football and cricket for watching (I support Birmingham City and AFC Rushden & Diamonds and Northamptonshire and Warwickshire (and derivatives) respectively). Road cycling and pingpong for doing.

What is your favourite restaurant?

Jhoti’s, Adam’s and Rico Libre in Birmingham, L’Anecdote in Paris and Trattoria da’a Marisa in Venice.

Hybrid proceedings in Parliament: yes please or no thanks?

Yes please.

Appointed or elected upper chamber?

Elected (obvs).

Restoration or Renewal?

Renewal – preferably along the lines of Cedric Price’s Pop-up Parliament.

Cat or Dog?

Cat, and specifically this one called Adélie who I love with all my heart:

Trains, planes or automobiles?

Trains, preferably a sleeper on the way from Paris to Venice or Turin.

Fish and chips or Curry?

Impossible to choose.

Scones: Cornish or Devonshire method?

Cornish (with apologies to my Devonshire in-laws).

And, finally, four questions asked by Isaac, Seth, Ira and Bernadette, who are 13, 11, 5 and 5 respectively:

What was the greatest experience of your life?

Cycling above the clouds between the Col du Soulor and the Col d’Aubisque.

Why do you have a stubble beard?

I’m trying to see whether, at the age of 45, I can finally grow a beard.

Why do you like birds?

I like their songs and their different colours and the fact that they can fly.

Why do you like cycling?

You can go a long way and see lots of countryside and go very fast down hills and talk to your friends and it’s not boring and hard on your knees like running.

Categories
Urgent Questions

Dr Chris Monaghan

CHRIS MONAGHAN

Chris Monaghan is a Principal Lecturer in Law at the University of Worcester. He is the author of Accountability, Impeachment and the Constitution: The Case for a Modernised Process in the United Kingdom (Routledge), editor of the Routledge Studies in Law, Rights and Justice book series, and co-editor of Routledge Frontiers in Accountability Studies book series. He is the outgoing Communications Officer of PSA Parliaments.

Please tell us a little bit about how you entered academia and your academic career

Being somewhat obsessed by history as a child and teenager I decided to study history at university. Three years later I graduated and like many history graduates I decided to switch to law with the intention of becoming a solicitor.

I enrolled at my local university on the law conversion course (Graduate Diploma in Law) and progressed onto the Legal Practice Course, which I did part-time in London.

It was whilst studying on the Legal Practice Course that I was encouraged to apply for some part-time university teaching.

I was very lucky and a few months later I was lecturing third year LLB students Commercial Law at Anglia Ruskin University. After the initial nerves I found that I loved teaching and consequently took the decision to set aside my ambition of being a solicitor and secured a permanent lectureship in London. Eventually, I found myself at the University of Worcester, where I have been working since 2016.

Which five books/articles (written by someone else) have been most important to you in your academic career?

This is a difficult one to answer. I think the answer would be:

  1. David Butler, Vernon Bogdanor, and Robert Summers (eds), The Law, Politics, and the Constitution: Essays in Honour of Geoffrey Marshall (Oxford University Press 1999). As a new law student I found this book in the law library and read it cover-to-cover. As soon as I started part-time teaching it was the first book that I bought.
  2. Stephen Sedley, Lions Under the Throne: Essays on the History of English Public Law (Cambridge University Press 2015). This shows how a book can be written to raise serious issues, but also to give a broad sweep of the constitutional history of the United Kingdom.
  3. Penny Darbyshire, Sitting in Judgment: The Working Lives of Judges (Hart Publishing 2011). Darbyshire shows how you can take a perceived preconception of judges and turn this on its head by conducting extensive empirical research and giving a voice to a large number of judges. This book has been instrumental in how I teach students about the judiciary and my own academic writing on the role of judges and the constitution.
  4. Alan Paterson, Final Judgment: The Last Law Lords and the Supreme Court (Hart Publishing 2013). This showed me how you could write an account of the law and the role of judges. Paterson’s approach influenced how I carried out work for the British Library’s National Life Stories project and my own research into the Bancoult litigation.
  5. Alexander Horne, Gavin Drewry and Dawn Oliver, Parliament and the Law (Hart Publishing 2013). This is a great book (with subsequent new editions) and the subject of my first substantial book review.

Which people have been most influential and important to you in your academic career?

There are quite a few people who fit this category. I have been lucky to have had the support of many colleagues and other academics. In particular my former PhD supervisor, Robert Blackburn has been very influential. Over the past decade Robert has supported my career, supervised my PhD and has offered invaluable feedback on a whole host of post PhD projects and initiatives. Finally, Matthew Flinders has been a source of encouragement over the past few years and has really challenged me to develop as an academic. It has been fun and refreshing to work with Matt.

Which of your own pieces of research are you most proud of?

This has to be my PhD thesis which became a monograph: Accountability, Impeachment and the Constitution: The Case for a Modernised Process in the United Kingdom which was published by Routledge in 2022.

What has been your greatest achievement in academia?

Without doubt completing my PhD (which I did on a part-time basis).

What has been your greatest disappointment in academia?

I think in academia you have countless knock backs and disappointments. To be honest most things just fade into the background, even if at the time it was disappointing not to get a paper published in journal X ,or accepted to present at conference Y.  I would add though, how appreciative I am for when disappointing news is delivered, to have constrictive feedback as this helps going forward.

What is the first or most important thing you tell your students about parliaments?

You need to know the detail and keep abreast of developments. I teach Public Law, so Parliament is very much a regular character in my teaching and I encourage students to ask questions and challenge preconceptions. The expenses scandal and sleaze has not helped the image of MPs, so it is really about making students move beyond the popular image of politicians.

Where were you born, where did you grow up, and where do you live now?

I was born and brought up in Bedfordshire. I now life in Worcestershire.

What was your first job?

Selling fabric and material at a high-street retailer.

What was the toughest job you ever had?

Working on a building site. Very early mornings. But worked with some great people and fun to knock things down.

What  would your ideal job be, if not an academic?

Gardener – working outside for the National Trust or something similar. It is a bit different than working indoors all day.

What are your hobbies?

These are gardening, reading, and socialising.

What are your favourite novels?

I went through a stage of reading everything by Graham Greene.

I’m currently reading Heart of a Dog.

What is your favourite music?

For quality and scope it has to be the Beatles.

What is your favourite artwork?

I am fan of the satirist James Sayers.

What is your favourite building?

The Old Royal Naval College in Greenwich. It was a privilege to work there (whilst I was at the University of Greenwich) and to coming to work and see which film or tv series was being filmed that day.

What are your favourite tv shows?

Veep, Stranger Things, West Wing and currently watching The Afterparty.

What is your favourite holiday destination?

It depends. I love city breaks: Berlin was very nice. But maybe the Maldives as this was so different than my usual holidays.

What is your favourite sport?

Tennis to watch. Badminton to play.

What is your favourite food?

My favourite meal has to be a curry (ideally from the Indian restaurant in the village where I previously lived).

Hybrid proceedings in Parliament: yes please or no thanks?

No thanks.

Appointed or elected upper chamber?

An elected upper chamber in an ideal world – but without losing the expertise.

Restoration or Renewal?

Renewal – like most things the problem will get worse the longer that you do nothing. But perhaps we could look at housing for MPs and greater public access to the Palace.

Cat or Dog?

Cats –  they are fantastic.

Trains, planes or automobiles?

Planes. There is something special about flying.

Fish and chips or Curry?

Curry all the way.

Scones: Cornish or Devonshire method?

Cornish. Either way is great though, especially when visiting the West Country.

And, finally, two questions asked by Ira and Bernadette, who are both 4: Would you prefer to ride a dragon or a unicorn, and why?

A dragon would be pretty cool. Perhaps the one from Zog and not the one from Room on the Broom.